Sunday, November 11, 2012

DISENFRANCHISED BY HISTORY TRIBES AND NARRATIVES WHY NOT AGGRESSION OF ANY COMMUNITY BE EXCLUSION DEFRACHISED IN CONSTITUTION NOW FOR HAVES

Disenfranchised by History The Tribes and their narratives
In the nineteenth century the colonial government concluded that the pastoral nomads, the
Itinerant traders and other unsettled communities were different from the settled
agriculturists fixed within domiciles. These wandering communities could not be situated
within preconceived slots – administrative, economic, social. They were therefore located as
aberrant factors within a predictable and tractable human landscape, and had to be
‘controlled’ through the colonial legal and penal institutions for the maintenance of ‘law and
order’. This was the background to the passage to the "Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 or Act XXVII
(henceforth CTA).
The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 was the start of a series of legislations on the same theme.
Legal interventions in the same vein came at regular intervals to fine‐tune, elaborate, extend
jurisdiction of the Act in order to knit a finer mesh which would act as an effective sieve for
separating the "criminal" from the "non‐criminal".
The classificatory range of designating these communities "criminal" was fairly broad‐based in
the CTA – "A tribe, gang, or class". The alien government was taking no chances with the tricky
problem of nomenclature in case any erring community escaped the legal and penal dragnet.
This was being pre‐emptively wise before the targeted communities (non‐literate and
unacquainted with such sophisticated legal devices to check their "criminal tendencies") could
muster enough legal leverage to offer legal resistance to arbitrary penalties based on their
precise cognition of the fine distinctions between castes, tribes, classes, and the nature of their
own embeddedness within a certain classificatory marker. In 1874, there was a quick review,
and another improviso was added – "In this Act the words 'tribe', 'gang' and 'class’ shall be
deemed to include any portion or members of a tribe, gang or class". The CTA now included
Bengal in its spread. Approximately around the same time both the Bombay and Madras
Presidencies adopted the CTA for their own use in controlling "criminal tribes". The Bombay
Presidency, like the United Provinces where Thuggi had become the subject of a colonial
discourse on Oriental criminality, had also been acquainted with the notion that the
"hereditary" criminals belonging to "tribes" were a threat to law and order as early as 1827.
There was a Regulatory Order passed in order to control them.
The major provisions of the CTA provided for the registration of all declared criminal tribes. All
members of the criminal tribes had to report to the police at regular intervals and had to
inform the authorities if they were to absent themselves from their residences for a day or
more; for trips outside the settlement passes were required, and any member caught without
a pass outside the settlement was imprisoned (Section 25). All members of a declared criminal
tribe had to answer the roll call, which could take place at any unscheduled hour. If any
member failed to respond, the onus was on the missing person to prove to the officer‐incharge
of the settlement that one had no evil intentions during the absence from residence.
Absconding from any settlement or reformatory also meant imprisonment or fines or both.
(section 20, 2). Any breach of these rules invited punishment. Such “defaulters"…were “liable
to imprisonment for one year on a first conviction, for two years on a second conviction, and
to three years or a fine… or both on any subsequent conviction” (section 22(1), 22(2).
In 1897, this Act was amended and the penalties were increased for second and third
convictions to seven years and transportation for life respectively (CTA, 1897, sections 23.1
and 23.2). The amendment also provided for the separation of children from parents who
were over the age of four and under the age of eighteen, and were thus liable to be sent to
reformatories reserved solely for the children of the declared criminal tribes and castes (CTA
1897, sections 16, 17).
All the Acts, from 1871 to 1924, gave the local government the right to locate any “unsettled”
tribe in the area of the government's own choosing. The local governments could even deport
a settled tribe from one area to another if the earlier area was not considered suitable (CTA,
1871, section 18).
The Act of 1911 introduced the rule that all members of the declared criminal tribes would
have to be finger‐printed at the nearest police station, so that the tracking down of an
absconding criminal, or of absconders from the settlements, could become simpler. Another
change was introduced by the 1911 Act, in terms of which the declared criminal tribes were
not compulsorily "settled" on lands allotted to them by the government. They were merely
registered, subjected to surveillance and fingerprinted, but the local government did not take
responsibility for them (CTA, 1911, Section 12).
Under these legal and penal provisions, without the mainstream indigenous political opinion
engaging with the issue, as here the folds of the colonial discourse on criminality and
developing mainstream indigenous discourse on criminality overlapped, the latter heavily
influenced by the former, the existence of whole communities under stringent penal measures
went unnoticed. The colonial government’s antipathy towards these communities was shared
by the settled indigenous communities, as they were part of the hierarchical social network
and political economy, while these wandering communities were not seen to belong to any
known framework of social reference. This suspicious attitude towards unknown ‘jatis’ who
periodically shared their territorial spaces froze into rigid statements of dislike when, over and
above their indeterminate caste characteristics, the ‘Criminal Tribes’ Act’, 1871 added the
stigma of criminality to these wandering communities. It was only after independence that the
unconstitutional nature of the designation ‐ "criminal tribes" ‐ was recognised and the
communities which had come under the purview of the Act were "denotified". But for all
practical purposes ‘criminal tribes’ they remained. Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar
Pradesh, Gujarat, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Orissa – all still have their ‘criminal tribes’,
though officially between 1950‐ 1952, they have been ‘denotified’.
In Maharashtra, the Antrolikar Committee looked at the question of the rehabilitation of the
ex‐criminal tribes, who were denotified in Maharashtra with effect from 13 August 1949. The
CTA of 1924 ceased to be applicable to them; but the Committee felt that the Habitual
Offenders Restriction Act should be made simpler and wider in scope "in order to restrict all
habitual offenders from Ex‐Criminal Tribes and also others as action on these few notorious
characters will enable other Ex‐Criminal Tribes to live peacefully in their localities" (Budhan,
Oct‐Nov. 1998, pp. 13‐14). It is apparent that the Committee, over and above the fairly
stringent provisions of the Indian Penal Code (Indian Penal Code, section 75, Chapter III)1, had
felt the need for the widening of the Habitual Offenders Act which would separate the really
criminal individuals from the denotified communities in general. That the parameters of
analysis had not changed for the Committee members is also revealed in the careful
specifications of what should be the state attitude to members of these communities who
persisted in their nefarious activities even though the government had given them the options
of clean and healthy living.
As soon as a person belonging to any community and particularly to the Ex
Criminal tribes is produced before a Magistrate for the second offence under
the IPC against property and person he should be handed over to experts in
psychoanalysis, criminology and allied sciences to examine him. The result
of such examination should be informed to the Magistrate who thereafter
should proceed to pass judgement on such accused.
(Budhan, Oct‐Nov, 1998, p.8)
There is no attempt to even examine the vicious social conditions which had perpetuated a
certain way of life for which partially, if not wholly, alien laws and mainstream indigenous
prejudices can be held responsible. This attitude of the Committee reinforces the critique this
Report posits: namely, inherent prejudices pertaining to mainstream moral and ethical codes
are embedded even within individuals anxious to redress fundamental inequity and injustice
under which whole communities have suffered. The Habitual Offenders Act, moreover,
because it shifted emphasis from communities to the individual "hardened criminal", would
possibly feel free to eliminate all attempts to educate and reform children, as the Criminal
Tribes Act of 1871 had originally purported to do. As we have said, education and reform were
no longer seen as state concerns by 1911, as there were other calls on the limited spread of
government funds, especially pinch‐penny colonial governments. In this respect, the Habitual
Offenders Act locked retrogradely with the CTA, by omitting all semblances of rehabilitation
and focusing exclusively on legal repression.
1 This section provides for enhanced punishment for certain offences under Chapter XII (offences related
to forgery) and chapter XVII (offences related to property) of the Indian Penal Code (henceforth IPC)
What also is important in this context is that the Antrolikar Committee Report had addressed
the issue of rehabilitation of the denotified communities only in Maharashtra. Education had
been given top priority, but only primary education. The Report categorically stated that :
"Special elaborate suggestions about secondary and higher education have
not been made as the question of the same will not arise for a number of
years. For the time being we think facilities given to them as Backward
Classes will be sufficient". (Ibid., p.7)
Further, the denotified communities, all 28 of them enumerated in the Criminal Tribes Act
Enquiry Committee Report of 1939, have been classified according to their supposed ethnic
origins ‐ whether they are indeed "nomadic tribes" or merely fall under the rubric of
"backward Classes", thus repeating the colonial ethnographic stereotype. Such discursive
ascriptions of ethnicity came packaged with graded privileges and opportunities, thereby
containing the seeds of further injustice and perpetuating a potentially explosive political
condition for demands and counter demands of different "ethnic" groupings.
After more than 50 years after the Antrolikar Committee outlined the necessary conditions for
the "denotified tribes" to be established socially and politically, their situation in Maharashtra
has actually slipped further towards unrelieved darkness. The recommendations of the
Antrolikar Committee were never carried out by the State government. Though there were a
few blind spots regarding notions of "criminality" and "legal" action, the recommendations
were certainly a step in the right direction. Police oppression and the indifference of the
mainstream to their fate have together condemned more than 6 million people to a life of
terror, fear, and deprivation, not just of food and shelter, but of all human dignity. They have
been denied citizenship on their own soil.
The Constitution of India, the ultimate ethical and moral statement of a nation that defined
itself against the backdrop of perceived universal values adopted by the Constituent Assembly
on November 26, 1949, stated unequivocally that all its citizens meant every such person –
a) who was born in the territory of India
b) either of whose parents was born in the territory of India
c) who has been ordinarily resident in the territory of India for not less than 5 years
immediately preceding such commencement.
Further, every person included
a) a prisoner
b) a member of the armed forces
Thus, a citizen of India can expect Justice (social, economic and political), Liberty (of thought,
expression, belief, faith and worship), Equality (of status and opportunity), and Fraternity,
assuring the dignity of the individual, guaranteed by the Preamble to the Constitution. Social
Justice, an important component of the basic ideal of the Indian body polity, enables the
courts to uphold legislation
a) to remove economic inequalities
b) to provide a decent standard of living to the working people
c) to protect the interests of the weaker sections of the society.
As even the most preliminary overview of the present situation of the denotified communities
will overwhelmingly demonstrate, here are a people who have been stripped of all the
constitutional privileges that even a prisoner in India is guaranteed. More specifically, the
fundamental rights of a citizen seem to have been created only to be contravened with regard
to the "denotified communities". Articles 19 and 21, if read with Art. 39 A, guarantees freedom
of expression and Right to Life that cover a wide range of rights: pre trial release on a personal
bond (i.e without surety) when the person concerned is indigent, speedy trials for offenders
and especially child offenders, no delay in bringing in to trial, all indigent offenders who cannot
afford legal representatives should be helped by the state, Right to livelihood, prisoners should
not be tortured, and Undertrial prisoners cannot be detained without charges or kept in jail for
a period exceeding the maximum prison term award. Art. 22 of the Constitution, giving
protection against arrest and detention, specifies the conditions of arrest and detention in
police lock‐ups.
Directive Principles, Part III of the Constitution, Art. 45, directs the state to provide free and
compulsory education for children, till they attain 14 years of age, while Art. 46, Part III, directs
the state to promote the educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes and other weaker sections. However such high falutin words cannot be upheld in any
court of law in India. Such paper tigers can be turned into educational programmes (and are
being turned into such by many organisations) which will address this problem head on. How
urgent this problem is can be seen very ironically in a Report published during the 1930s, of
the settlements in Maharashtra, where under the controlled laboratory environment of fear,
discipline and some incentive of monetary returns, the programme of the compulsory
education of children did function2:
“The total population in the settlements in the Bombay Presidency is 12861.
This shows an increase of 799. The list of the larger settlements with a
population of over 1000 is as under:
Sholapur 4095
Indi 204
Bijapur 1229
Special Settlement 143
Bagalkot 397
Gadag 1023
Hubli 2322
Dharwar 405
2 Starte, Esquire, ICS Criminal Tribes Officer, Bombay Presidency. Dharwar> A report on the
Criminal Tribes Settlement of the Bombay presidency.
Khanapur 548
Gokak Falls 672
Dandeli 251
Baramati 521
Primary education is compulsory for all the boys and girls between the ages
of 5 and 12 years, and for all the children who work as half timers, in mills
as long as they are half timers. In the latter case, therefore their half time
attendance in the day school is compulsory until they reach the age of
fifteen years. The following table is illuminating from the point of view of
education:
Sholapur 4095 890
Indi 204 30
Bijapur 1229 230
Special Settlement 143 32
Bagalkot 397 66
Gadag 1023 194
Hubli 2322 457
Dharwar 405 39
Khanapur 548 65
Gokak Falls 672 182
Dandeli 251 29
Baramati 521 65
Nira Projects 630 112
In the sphere of vocational training, the various trades for which the training
was imparted are as under: Carpentry (78), Masonry (92), Tailoring (7),
Agriculture (22), Black Smithy (3) and Weaving (4).
The credit societies established in the settlements have continued their
steady expansion and are in a good financial position. They serve a very
useful purpose in providing loans for marriages and other expenses for the
settlers. Some of them also finance and control carpentry factories attached
to the settlements, and undertake building construction also. The share
capital is now 10,405 compared with the 8,846 for the last year, and total of
deposits is 48,069 and the reserve funds are 9,475.”
Yet the database collected by the research team shows in the post colonial India of the 21st
century, without the human laboratories where an alien government preened on turning
hereditary criminals into law abiding and humble subjects, that the conditions for these
communities have actually slid back in time. Education is a luxury; state sponsored credit
societies pipe dreams, an ordinary right to livelihood a nightmare of buying off the police in
order to survive. It is the memory of half‐full stomachs and a semblance of achievement that
has kept the 'justice' and sense of 'fairplay' of the colonial government still green in the minds
of these people. Possibly they imply that the colonial government was no better than it should
be, but that the Indian government has proved to be much worse.
Against these high principles, if the present political, legal and social (including educational)
conditions of the denotified communities are balanced, it would seem that the balance tilts
heavily towards the harsh penal policies of the colonial government, with its semblance of
liberal reform schemes.

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