Sunday, November 11, 2012

CONCEPT OF REALIABILITY AND VALIDITY IN THE EMPIRICAL INSTITUTIONAL PROCEDURAL CONSTITUTION CORRUPT SOCIETY

Social Inclusion
Social inclusion as a concept is a broad and ambiguous one. It is a complex idea with different meanings to different people. It is generally accepted in the literature as to be a process rather than a condition, while it is seen as involving a sense of commitment, and a desire or capacity to live together in harmony (Green et al. 2003).
CESI (Centre for Economic and Social Inclusion) (2002:1) define social inclusion as the “the process by which efforts are made to ensure that everyone, regardless of their experiences and circumstances, can achieve their potential in life.” The European Social Fund offers a slightly different explanation, viz. “the development of capacity and opportunity to play a full role, not only in economic terms, but also in social, psychological and political terms” (The European Social Fund, cited in CESI 2002:2).
            However, there is no established consensus among theoreticians on what social inclusion is, or what a society characterized by social inclusion would look like. It is a relative concept, and its flexibility allows for definitions adaptable to local conditions (CESI 2002).
            Notwithstanding its equivocal essence, the concept is by most understood as a positive objective, denoting equal opportunities and rights for all human beings. Hence, becoming more included implies improving life chances. To others, however, increasing inclusion connotes unwanted imposition of conformity (Hewitt de Alcántara 1994).           
Furthermore, in different contexts its use may emphasize: shared norms and values; a sense of shared identity or the need of belonging to a common community; a sense of continuity and stability; and equitable distribution of rights, opportunities and wellbeing. According to Green et al. (2003), social inclusion is achievable by reductions in poverty and inequality, and through socializing agencies such as the labour market and schools.
 Socialization often includes learning new norms and values that are very different from those associated with the culture in which the person was raised. But becoming socially included, they note, is the responsibility of both the society to accept the formerly unaccepted, as well as the individuals themselves to seek socialization (Green et al. 2003).
            Furthermore, modern time has seen the sharpening of strife based on social, political, religious and national divisions around the world. Thus, the search for ways to create or reinforce common identities which reduce likelihood of violence and provide groundwork for co-operation is acute. This is true for both the international and national level as well as within local societies, where many developments have weakened relations of mutual support and respect, and encourage violent attitudes (Hewitt de Alcántara 1994).
            The call for enhancing social inclusion generally grows out of a feeling that basic institutions of society, such as the family or the community, are improperly functioning. It also concerns the perceived decline of civility and tolerance in everyday social life. Thus, social inclusion is seen as promoting harmonic relations and solidarity in society, and fundamental changes at multiple levels of society, from public attitudes to policies to service delivery practices. When emphasizing this dimension of the concept, it becomes the opposite of a process of disintegration (Hewitt de Alcántara 1994).
            However, it is important to identify some potential pitfalls when an exclusive emphasis is on social inclusion as an end in itself. First, when the goal of social inclusion is to draw the formerly excluded into mainstream society, there is a tendency to forget that the latter have their own forms of social inclusion. Non-mainstream groups even those who are most deprived and apparently disorganized, are included in other forms of social organization. Hence, one has to take into account the real world of disadvantaged people (Hewitt de Alcántara 1994).
            Second, if emphasis is placed exclusively on improving certain indicators of opportunity, like school enrolment, nutrition and so on, it may encourage some improvement, however without exploring the social structures causing exclusion. For social inclusion, in terms of attaining equal life chances, to endure it is necessary to address why problems of polarization and ostracism have arisen and persisted in the first place (Hewitt de Alcántara 1994).
            Broadly speaking, social inclusion is understood as a process away from exclusion. It is a process for dealing with social exclusion and integrating individuals into wider society. We have unravelled some aspects of the concepts, so to lay the framework for analysis in chapter five (CESI 2002).
Methodological Framework The present chapter is devoted to explaining the problems involved in the collection of data and the method used. An effort is made to describe as far as possible the gamut of the fieldwork to strengthen the credibility of the research and its findings.

Method of Study  In the social sciences, writers and practitioners of social research commonly distinguish between two types of research strategy: the quantitative and, utilized in this fieldwork, the qualitative research. The two differs in many ways but most obvious perhaps is that the latter is concerned with text rather than numbers as in the former (Johannessen et al. 2005).
Moreover, while quantitative researchers seek to generalize their findings to the relevant population, the qualitative researcher pursue an understanding of behaviour, values, beliefs and so on in terms of the context in which the research is conducted. In addition the qualitative research is highly unstructured and characterized by a high degree of openness and flexibility which enables interviews to be tailored for each individual and enhances the possibility of getting at actors’ meanings (Johannessen et al. 2005).
However, qualitative research is not without its critique. First, it is sometimes criticized of being too subjective and of relying too much on the researcher’s views about what is significant and important. Second, it is difficult to replicate a qualitative study due to its unstructured approach, and thus there are rarely any standard procedures to follow. In this sense it all the more important to give a detailed description of the research process and methods used so as to strengthen the reliability of the data (Johannessen et al. 2005, J. Klein, lecture, 7th January 2008).
Third, findings of qualitative investigations are often of a limited scope, and hence difficult to generalize to other settings. Only one or two cases can hardly be representative of all cases. However, that’s not the purpose either, as it is rather to generalize to theory (Johannessen et al. 2005, J. Klein, lecture, 7th January 2008).
In deciding which research strategy to use, the researcher had to take some issues into consideration. For one thing, choice of method had to be dovetailed with the research question. Because the researcher was interested in the views of members of a certain social group, rather than causes of a social phenomenon, the qualitative approach was the more appropriate direction to choose (Hellevik 2002, Johannessen et al. 2005).
            Another dimension was the nature of the topic and people being investigated. Since this study needed to engage with individuals previously involved in rather illicit activities it was unlikely that a quantitative method such as a social survey would have attained the necessary understanding of the subjects (Hellevik 2002, J. Klein, lecture, 7th January 2008).
Approaching the Group
As already noted, the purpose with qualitative investigation is to acquire in-depth knowledge of a certain phenomenon. For this purpose, sampling in qualitative designs is carried out strategically to collect the necessary data. Snowball sampling is a common method employed in composing a strategic sample. With this approach the researcher makes initial contact with people who are relevant to the research topic and then use these to establish contact with others (Johannessen et al. 2005).
In order to enter the Stuartpuram village, the school, and approach the target group, the researcher was introduced to the Samskar project manager of Stuartpuram. He had been employed as coordinator for the last seven years and knew the Yerukula settlement very well. The project manager said he would extend all possible help for settling down in the village. Thus, the study had to be presented to the potential informants through the project manager.
Establishment of trust with project manager was no problem, firstly due to the fact that he had an interest in research of the project, and secondly, since the researcher quickly developed a friendly relationship with him.
The project manager introduced the researcher to some ex-criminals, teachers and children. In his words “He is one of us, he will be another teacher. He wants to know about you, you’re feelings, and your activities. Tell him what all he wants. There will not be any danger if you reveal the facts.” They consented to cooperate with some hesitation of course. The project manager was from a neighbouring village, and married into an ex-criminal family. As project manager he was working for the benefit of the ex-criminals and their children, so he was shown some regard. 
Entry into the Yerukula community went smoother as good relations were established with the project manager and his family, including his father in law, once known as the most notorious criminal gang-leader of Stuartpuram. The doubts and suspicions raised in the minds of the ex-criminal informants subsided to some extent with the efforts of the project manager. Creating good relations with the pupils went facilely, as the children found the presence of any foreigner exciting. Since the target population was difficult for the researcher to access initially, the snowball-method proved convenient, feasible and efficient in framing the sample.
Shelter was arranged for the researcher at the Joshua-Gora School campus during the fieldwork. The initial period were used for establishing informal contacts with teachers, villagers and children.
Unanticipated Events and Problems of Research The above material should not give the impression that everything proceeded smoothly. What has been described so far was the process of admission into the field environment under investigation.
First, the ex-criminals’ hesitation towards sharing information about their criminal past posed a difficulty. The ex-criminals are uncomfortable reminiscing about their dark history. Furthermore, according to the project manager quite a few pressmen and researchers have approached the ex-criminals but the gains have been nonreciprocal. The formers have attained their stories and degrees but any substantial benefits for the ex-criminal families are yet to be seen. Like one informant said: “why should I give interview, I get nothing back. It is not like it is going to change my life.” In this situation the researcher said he understood his concern, but at the same time explained the importance of research, and that his situation was being documented. The informant appeared to be convinced, and agreed to do the interview. 
Second, the researcher had a voice-recorder but the informants were suspicious of mechanical devices. Some of them knew what a voice-recorder was, but many of them feared its use. The researcher asked one ex-criminal whether he should use the voice-recorder. He was advised not to. Moreover, it would be unethical to use the voice-recorder without the respondents’ understanding what it did. Any misuse would affect further research (Johannessen et al. 2005).
Reliability and Validity of the Information
Johannessen et al. (2005) distinguish between reliability and validity in research. The concept of validity addresses itself to the truth of the data and assertions that is made about something in the empirical world. The concept of reliability, on the other hand, concentrates on the degree of consistency in the data obtained from the devices we employ such as interviews, documents, observations and informants. The information a fieldworker obtains must be reliable and valid (Hellevik 2002, Johannessen et al. 2005).
            Participant observation solved many of the problems of validity and reliability. The truth of the statement made by informants could be easily seen by close contacts with the informants and nonverbal behaviour. For example, the researcher asked an informant “to what degree are the ex-criminals socially interacting outside the Yerukula community?” The informant answered: “a very small percentage interact with the mainstream. They are socially accepted, but the degree of interaction is low.” After staying with, and acquiring insight into everyday life of some ex-criminal families, the researcher noted for instance that the ex-criminals leave the immediate community only when they have to run some errands, usually to the market. Even there interaction was at a low level. Hence, the truth of the statement was strengthened.
The researcher always checked and crosschecked all the statements. To check the reliability of a document of personal profiles of the reformed criminals, the researcher checked and compared with facts obtained from some of the concerned individuals. As time went and trust towards the researcher was established, he got valid and reliable information.
Sources of Data and Analysis of Interviews Basically this study used participant observation as a method of data collection, and qualitative interviewing and focus group interviewing as a part of participant observation. According to Johannessen et al. (2005), the purpose with the qualitative interview is to attempt getting at actors’ meaning of the world.
The formal informant interviews were based on a semi-structured interview-guide. Samskar chairman Lavanam, an authority on the field of social reform, was consulted as was the Stuartpuram project manager and two ex-criminals. A focus group interview with some ten pupils from the ex-criminal families was also conducted. It consisted of a mixture of boys and girls from fourth and fifth class, ranging between ten to twelve years of age.
Except the focus-group interview, it should be brought to attention that the informants were all males. This was not a conscious strategy, but due to India traditionally being a male-dominated society, largely, women will not come forward to voice their views. Despite the praise of the snowball-method, this may act as slight critique due to the risk of being introduced to a biased sample.
Participant observation is explained by Johannessen et al. (2005:124, my translation) as a method in which “the researcher [him or herself] participates in the situations [he or she] is observing.” This may happen either in the role of the researcher or in some disguised role. All the information used in this report was elicited from the informants and was drawn from factual evidence and observation.
            The researcher while using participant observation as a method was also cognizant of its weaknesses. To avoid the risk of becoming a non-observing participant, he often withdrew from the field. In this way the researcher evaded the danger of becoming too preoccupied with mere participation, loosing focus on making observations (Johannessen et al. 2005).      
The researcher’s role was, as Johannessen et al. (2005) states, “observer as participant”. This is the role of which the observer “is part of the environment which is studied, and participates in the ordinary interaction between the actors” (Johannessen et al. 2005:126, my translation). At the same time the researcher’s status as observer was made publicly known at the outset and intentionally not kept under wraps. This was mainly because the fieldworker did not want to be pressed guilty with feelings that he misrepresented himself to the informants. 
            Interaction with the Yerukula settlers provided the most valuable data. The researcher tried to ask questions which he felt useful for the subject. Sometimes, the investigator would ask casual questions, for example, “do you play cricket or volleyball or do you go to movies,” which were not useful for the subject, yet they provided some feeling that the researcher was closer to them.
The researcher had to take care of the problem of storing and retrieving the information obtained in the field. Considering the problem of the voice-recorder, much information was kept in the form of field notes. In the beginning, the researcher used to come back to his room and write down what he had heard and remembered. But the stage eventually came when even the informants advised him to keep a notebook with him so that he would note down the points on the spot whenever the information was obtained.
In the process of analysing the informant interviews, the researcher would after each interview immediately go to his room to transcribe and structure the material obtained. This was succeeded by reducing the data to manageable proportions by highlighting the relevant things and removing immaterial information. In order to analyse and interpret the manifest meanings the researcher made use of what Johannessen et al. (2005) calls “ad hoc meaning generation”. This is a common approach in which we use different techniques for meaning generation. The analysis of the interviews happened as a free interplay of different methodological techniques. 
An Analysis of the Degree of Social Exclusion, and the Impacts of Education on Social Inclusion As a tool for reducing social exclusion, education has been promoted by Samskar. The Joshua-Gora School was established in Stuartpuram for this purpose. In all 260 pupils comes from Stuartpuram and its exterior areas to study together. The learning institution serves as an instrument for smoother socialization. But as Ramakrishna and Sundar (2007) stresses, social inclusion is a lasting process spanning at least three generations.
The following analysis is considered twofold. First, we examine the extent to which the ex-criminals of Stuartpuram are denied social inclusion and some effects of their exclusion on the larger societal level. Second, we seek to identify the impacts of providing schooling to the children of ex-criminal families on social inclusion and detaching the circle of crime.

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