Breaking the cycle of criminality social inclusion of the ex-criminal
tribe of Stuartpuram
The current academic endeavour is
carried out on assignment from Norwegian humanist organization HAMU (Humanist
Action for Human Rights) and reformatory organization Samskar in India.
HAMU has played a
crucial part in supporting the criminal reformation project by Samskar in
Stuartpuram village, since entering in 1995. A major part of their support goes toward the education project
under study for the children from the ex-criminal settlement of Stuartpuram. The
goal of the program is to get the children out of the cycle of criminality by
way of education and assimilation in the mainstream. This is also supplemented
with income generation programs by imparting skills such as tailoring,
type-writing and auto-rickshaw lessons.
I gratefully
acknowledge the help of the following:
First and
foremost is the Samskar chairman Lavanam who has been the most benevolent
support of my thesis. His theoretical insights into the research problem on
hand were stimulating, inspiring and reassuring. My discussions with him in
person were always fruitful, and my close association with him as a young
student was an invaluable and rememberable experience.
I am equally
thankful to my lecturer and thesis adviser Elin Gjevre. Her patient advice and
expert guidance were highly valuable for me to successfully pass through the
various stages of this thesis. Her comments and suggestions were of major help
in bringing the thesis to its present form.
I am
thankful to the members of the HAMU board, particularly Gunnar Olafsen, Kristin
Bryhni and Tuva B. Dahl who expressed great interest in the research proposal,
and put their efforts in arranging the initial contact with Samskar in India.
During my
fieldwork a number of people extended their help. I am deeply indebted to the
whole team of Samskar, and in particular the project manager of Stuartpuram who
extended his wholehearted cooperation in collecting the information. Also my grateful thanks to all the settlers
with whom I have interacted in Stuartpuram whose valuable information has been
utilized for the study.
This research thesis concerns the
ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram settlement, and the work of reformatory
organization Samskar to wean the coming generations of Stuartpuram away from
crime. The objectives of the study are
to examine the degree of social exclusion of the ex-criminals, and the impacts
of education on social inclusion for their offspring’s.
About one and a half
century ago, habitual criminals in India were rounded up by the
British and placed in separate “settlements”, living in solitude with limited
civilizational impact. This was mainly responsible for their poverty, social
alienation and social stigma as criminals. In 1974, Lavanam and Hemalata, the
basic team of Samskar, launched the criminal reformation project in
Stuartpuram, and succeeded in bringing about a great social transformation as
crime by Stuartpuram settlers was eradicated.
The method of study
rests on a qualitative research design based on participant observation and
semi-structured interviews.
The theoretical
framework is based on conceptualizations of social exclusion and social
inclusion. Central in the theoretical approach is how the former denies social
interaction and freedom and creates disharmony and lack of solidarity in
society. The latter is seen as the diametrically opposite, promoting harmonic
relations and solidarity in society, and improving life chances of
individuals.
The most important
findings include the low levels of social interaction with ordinary members of
society among most of the ex-criminals. Although they are accepted as
non-criminals and enjoy more freedom of movement, regular interaction is
nevertheless more or less absent. Second, poverty and inequality are also
contributing to their exclusion, as they are bound to suffer from an
inferiority complex. Third, they are largely excluded in important aspects of
society, such as employment which preserve the lack solidarity and harmony in
society.
Regarding
the education of their offspring’s it was found that they are largely procuring
mainstream impulses. This was mainly due, firstly, to the strategic location of
the school, installed outside Stuartpuram. Second, the schooling significantly
increases their degree of social interaction relative to their forefathers.
Third, education and the promotion of sports also contribute in weaning their
wandering thoughts away from anti-social acts. Fourth, due to the influence of
the mainstream their mentality and behaviour is guided by pro-social norms and
values.
This study is concerned with the
ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram and the criminal reformation work of
reformatory organization Samskar. Approximately one and a half century ago,
habitual criminals in India
were rounded up by the British and placed in separate “settlements”, living in
solitude and having little communication with outside world. As a result, they
have had limited civilizational impact. This was mainly responsible for their
poverty and social alienation (Lalitha 1995).
It is indeed interesting
and itching for a student of social sciences and a humanist to learn about
these “primitive tribes” and their history. Standing as a largely unexplored
and unknown part of India’s
history by academicians in Scandinavia, the
plight of the ex-criminal tribe should proportionally cause some academic
attraction as well as some sensation for any interested outsider reader.
The aims and objectives
of the present study are to analyse the social conditions of the ex-criminal
tribe of Stuartpuram, specifically what concerns their degree of social exclusion, and the impacts of education on social
inclusion for their offspring’s. The research problem is formulated twofold
since an analysis of the former will give us a broader understanding of the
present condition of Stuartpuram. This is necessary to execute a proper
analysis of the latter as well as to draw appropriate conclusions. Furthermore,
an attempt is made to provide a socio-historical background of the ex-criminal
tribes in general, since being legally branded as “criminals” in 1871, and
account for the reformation of the criminals of Stuartpuram in particular.
Samskar, started by
atheist leaders and social reformers Lavanam and Hemalata, took up the
reformation of criminal tribes in 1974. This problem belonged not only to the
most neglected but completely despised sections of the society. This study
focuses its attention on the social evil, and the eradication of it by using
education as a way of weaning away the coming generations of Stuartpuram from
crime.
The study is divided
into six chapters: The present chapter entitled “Introduction” presents the
context of the fieldwork followed by a review of literature. The second
chapter, “Socio-Historical Background”, gives the socio-historic view of the
criminal tribes and a view on the efforts of Samskar in reforming the criminals
of Stuartpuram. In the third chapter, “Theoretical Framework”, an attempt is
made to cover some theoretical work on the notions of “social exclusion” and
“social inclusion”. This is followed by a chapter where the field problems
faced in collecting the data and the methods used to obtain data are examined.
In the next chapter we analyse the extent of exclusion of the ex-criminals, and
the impact education has on socially including the coming generations. The
sixth and final chapter, offer some summing concluding remarks of the research.
To attempt locating the
current issues concerned in a conceptual debate the study is carried out on the
basis of conceptualizations of social exclusion and social inclusion. Central
in the theoretical approach is how the former denies social interaction and
freedom and creates disharmony and lack of solidarity in society. The latter is
seen as the diametrically opposite, promoting harmony and solidarity in
society, and improving life chances of individuals.
The method of study
rests on a qualitative research design based on semi-structured interviews and
participant observation. This was mainly due to the nature of the research
question and because a quantitative approach would not have captured a
thoroughly understanding of the problem at hand.
Stuartpuram settlement is located
amidst Bapatla and Chirala towns in Guntur district in Andhra Pradesh, the
fifth most populous state in India with a population of 76 millions in 2001.
According to 2001 census tribal population accounted for 5, 1 millions of the
total population of Andhra Pradesh (Gandhi 2006).
Stuartpuram
consists of settlers belonging to the Yerukula tribe. These Yerukulas are found
in almost all districts in Andhra Pradesh. They are included in the category of
Scheduled Tribes, which are Indian communities that are recognized by the Constitution
of India as
requiring special support to overcome centuries of discrimination by mainstream
Hindu society (Lalitha 1995).
The
Yerukulas are divided into a number of sub-divisions, some criminals and some
non-criminals. Social customs, religious beliefs, omens, ordeals and standards
of morality vary from one social group to another. Their social customs and
religious beliefs are perfectly in tune with their criminal career. From times
immemorial, the Yerukulas have been following Hinduism in its crude form.
Similarly, Yerukulas also have their own way of living, customs, traditions,
superstitions, rituals and ceremonies. These traditions distinguish them from
the other population (Gandhi 2006, Lalitha 1995).
Stuartpuram settlement
is dominated mainly by Hindus and, due to the presence of the Salvation Army,
converted Christians. Furthermore, the Yerukulas in the settlement have their
own language. Language is the factor which contributes to their unity and they
recognize very easily the non-Yerukulas. In the settlement the people observe
their kinship relations very strictly while performing marriages. They identify
a certain person by his house name, and thus they follow endogamous rules
(Gandhi 2006, Lalitha 1995).
To begin with we note that social
scientists have paid scant attention to the problem of criminal tribes and the
studies on criminal tribes are, sadly but true, very few. However, some
scholars have written some brilliant works.
In his book, the The Ex-criminal Tribes of India (1979), Y. C. Simhadri has described different
kinds of tribes in general and Yerukulas in particular. He focuses on the
various types of criminal activities and the changes that took place in view of
social change.
V. Lalitha published a
valuable book on the ex-criminals. Her The
Making of the Criminal Tribes: Patterns and Transition (1995) is a
comprehensive analysis of criminals in the state of Andhra Pradesh. She
suggests that the existing socioeconomic, cultural and psychological barriers
must be overcome, rehabilitating Yerukulas by undertaking development
programmes.
Malli Gandhi in Development of denotified tribes: policy and practice (2006) traces the
historical background of the ex-criminal tribes, and explores the
rehabilitative measures introduced by the government to wean them away from
crime. He analyses the socio-economic conditions of two ex-criminal
settlements, Stuartpuram and Siddhapuram, and suggests ways of bringing about
rehabilitation.
Vakulabharanam
Ramakrishna and K.H.S.S. Sundar, the latter an experienced practitioner as
well, captures in Legacy and Continuity:
Social Reforms in Andhra Pradesh,
1850-2000 (2007) the ungrudging work of reformer couple Lavanam and
Hemalata over the last 40 years in dealing with secluded sections, in particular
the ex-criminals of Stuartpuram. The book stands out from previous works on the
field in that it analyses an undocumented social movement and its solutions to
the social evil, which may even act as a source for other social reform
movements.
Notwithstanding the
meagre contribution by academicians to the field of criminal tribes, the above
literature provides us a wide vista of the problem. Furthermore, it will help
us in framing a socio-historic view and analyse the situation of the
ex-criminals and their children.
In the first chapter the research
question was stated and earlier relevant literature was reviewed. In the
following chapter the socio-historical framework is laid out to serve somewhat
as a baseline for conducting the analysis in chapter five.
Criminal Tribes and the Criminal Tribes Act
Indian tribal groups comprise a
substantial indigenous minority of the population of India. According to Risely
(1908:61) a tribe is a “collection of
families or groups of families, bearing a common name which, as a rule, does
not denote any specific occupation, generally claiming common descent from a
mythical or historical ancestor.”
However,
it is important to note that a tribe is different from a caste. A caste is a
hereditary, usually localized group having traditional association with
occupation (such as “Brahmins”, the priestly caste), and a particular position
in the local hierarchy of castes. Tribal groups rarely have a rigid
hierarchical system and are usually not linked with any specific occupation as
in the case of members of caste (Simhadri 1979).
Following Risely’s
(1908) definition, we define criminal tribes as suggested by Simhadri (1979:2),
viz. “such tribal groups of people in India
who have traditionally committed criminal activities for their livelihood and
who accept such activities as their way of life.”
In the Indian
subcontinent we find many criminal and wandering tribes from time immemorial,
who have taken to crime due to a variety of reasons and under different
circumstances. Some attributed tribal criminality to environmental factors,
others to economic factors. One study concluded that their expenditure was more
than their income, and hence, they were forced to commit crime to compensate
their deficit. Another writer regarded the criminality as a consequence of
absolute hardship and police harassment (Gandhi 2006).
In 1871, the Indian
government under British rule, passed an enactment under which the tribes
committing criminal activities were dubbed as criminal tribes (CTs) and whoever
belonged to such tribes were recognized as criminals. By taking statistics of
criminals by their caste or tribal affiliation, the British had found a
correlation between crime and certain castes and tribes. Further inquest
concluded that the criminals’ forefathers also indulged in crime, which led the
British authorities to deduce that certain castes and tribes earned their
living by crime, and that crime was hereditary. Hence, the Act came into
existence, as did separated settlements for the CTs with an aim to supervise
and control the criminally inclined sections of India’s population (Lalitha 1995,
Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
The government proceeded
to deal with the CTs on three basic assumptions. First, all persons born in a
particular group are born criminals from birth because they take up their
fathers’ profession. Second, they will always continue to be criminals since
they believe it to be a profession, and thirdly, because of continuous criminal
activities they become hardened criminals (Gandhi 2006).
After India’s independence the government
found the CT Act to be contradictory to the spirit of the constitution. As a
result it was repealed in 1952. However, although the legal stigma was removed
the social stigma continued. Haunted by this and unable to free themselves from
social bondage, a large number of criminals continued their practice of robbing
and petty thefts. Ramakrishna and Sundar (2007) offer two reasons for this:
first, few alternative ways of livelihood were offered to the CTs and second,
an intractable and protracted “culture of crime” had developed as part of their
mentality which, consequently, is difficult to erase.
By
creating separate settlements for the CTs, they were utterly isolated and
segregated, both socially and culturally. Criminals interacting only with
criminals, and disconnected from non-criminal associations and professions,
created a criminal form of social organization. It was a criminal, anti-social
ethos rather than a social ethos, which was never exposed to a mainstream,
pro-social mentality. Even today the remnants of this inherited mentality exist
among the ex-criminals (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
The generations born in
these settlements were socialized only in the values of the culture of crime as
opposed to a mainstream culture of sociability. A mother would take pride in
narrating the brave deeds of her son; a wife would speak of the courage of her
husband; an unmarried girl would dream of coming closer to courageous and
powerful robbers. Fear and suspicion took hold of the settlers. Violence would
often erupt and inter-personal relations were structured by accumulated
aggressions. Crime and jail punishments would destroy family relations and
cause the children to grow up in a desolate social milieu (Marla 1992).
In
addition a third reason for continuing crime, often disregarded by the
conventional literature, can be identified, viz. the role of the “investors in
crime”. In the cobweb of crime, different actors such as stolen property
dealers (mostly of gold, silver and other precious stones), greedy lawyers and
corrupt police officials used to share the crime booty, leaving the criminal
with only a starvation-wage for his anti-social efforts. As long as the
criminals were committing crime, the investors were assured a return. As such,
they had greedy self-interest in crime of profitable potential, and such
self-indulgent acts abetted the continuation of crime (Ramakrishna & Sundar
2007).
Stuartpuram Settlement
The Stuartpuram settlement was
established in 1914 and put under the management of the Salvation Army of
United Kingdom. It was interned by the Yerukula tribe, which is the most known
notorious ex-criminal tribe of India.
They are stigmatized as dacoits (robbers), burglars, thieves and railway wagon
breakers (Gandhi 2006).
What
prompted them to commit crime was mainly the lack of alternative means of
livelihood and poverty. Also the police harassment, sometimes meted out to
innocents and even children, drove them towards committing crime. Even women
indulged in crime or assisted men in criminal activities (Ramakrishna &
Sundar 2007).
Right
from its inception Stuartpuram settlement consisted of both criminal and
non-criminal families, however living separately. The non-criminals were
employed in government services, private industrial establishments, petty businesses
and agriculture. However, opportunities for employment were limited for the
Yerukulas. The stigma of crime made them suspect in the attitude of employers
and public which again drove them back to crime. In addition, the steps taken
by the government proved insufficient in providing them adequate succour
(Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
Some
of the people belonging to other social categories involved in crime did not
have the stigma of criminality unlike the Stuartpuram tribes. When the British
government branded certain tribes and castes as criminals, it meant that those
branded would be considered so by birth and profession. Perhaps the CT Act had
an implicit assertion that a woman from a criminal family would necessarily
conceive a criminal embryo. Stuartpuram inhabitants have been included in this
category, whereas other criminals escaped the branding (Ramakrishna &
Sundar 2007).
Criminal Reformation
In 1974, the atheist couple Lavanam
and Hemalata – the basic team of the social reformist organization Samskar –
embarked on the criminal reformation project in Stuartpuram. Setting aside the
typical law and order police approach towards habitual criminals of
Stuartpuram, the Samskar team adopted a more humane approach to rekindle social
consciousness and cynicism among the habitual criminals. The intervention
process aimed at helping habitual criminals lead a more meaningful life (Marla
1992).
Lavanam
and Hemalata’s contribution related mostly to the socio-psychological
rehabilitation. They dug out the history of the tribes and their criminal
activities. They convinced them that their plight was because of the caste
system and caste-oriented practices. They were persuaded to give up the old
criminal traits and to develop new traits of the culture of sociability (Gandhi
2006).
The
reformer couple spent numerous days counselling the CT settlers of Stuartpuram.
They listened to their stories, agonies and problems. They encouraged them to
approach government officials, legislators, ministers and others to explain
their difficulties to get them redressed (Marla 1992).
The efforts of the Samskar team were far from
straightforward. The criminals were accustomed to an easy way of life and easy
money. They could get huge sums by crime so nobody could compensate their
earnings. When they suddenly stopped crime they lost their livelihood. Thus, a
major challenge for Lavanam and Hemalata was to show them avenues for earning
through socially and culturally accepted means (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
Demands
were made by Lavanam and Hemalata to declare the Stuartpuram settlement a free
and normal village. In 1976, they succeeded in persuading the state government
to abolish the management. Prior to that the Salvation Army exercised total
control of Stuartpuram, and was the legal owner of all land and house sites in
the colony. Now, the Andhra Pradesh government took control over all lands and
distributed the same in the name of local inhabitants with ownership rights.
Hence, it gave the criminal families a great incentive in their lives to feel
that they are the owners, which might discouraged them returning to crime
(Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
As the criminals had
always been living in segregated settlements without outside contacts, Lavanam
and Hemalata also encouraged many people from different walks of life - academicians,
government officials, writers, artists and businessmen - to visit the
settlement. The visitor's presence was understood as a token of social
solidarity and promoted a sense of belongingness with the rest of society for
the criminals (Marla 1992).
Student camps were
organized, and the local youths which until then had avoided social intercourse
with the ex-convicts now did physical labour with them, shoulder to shoulder. They
visited every house of Stuartpuram and interacted with the family members. In
this way social isolation was broken (Marla 1992).
The Samskar team
succeeded in bringing about a great social transformation as the criminals of
Stuartpuram surrendered and crime was more or less eradicated. As part of
rehabilitation 146 acres
of land was sanctioned by the government for the criminal families. In
addition, various programmes have been initiated such as youth activities like
sports, employment guidance and coaching classes, and a woman’s programme have
been organized for vocational training.
The flagship programme,
one of the focuses of the present study, is the Joshua-Gora School
established in 2006. This is an English medium institution offering education
to the children from Stuartpuram and from surrounding areas from first to fifth
class. Out of 260 children in the school today, about 60 are from the reformed
criminal families, and the rest from ordinary families. Admission into the
school is far less expensive compared to nearby private schools. The initiative
aims to act as a tool for social inclusion and removing social stigma
(Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
But as Ramakrishna and
Sundar (2007) remark, social inclusion is a lasting process spanning
generations. According to the authors it is a three generational approach. The
entry point is the last generation victims of social evil, meaning the first
generation of reformed criminals, and the exit point is the third generation.
The present second generation, on one hand, belongs to the first generation to
breathe free air and on the other hand they are indirect victims of the first
generation. For, they are born into families affected by social evil. It is
only the third generation children who will finally be out of their past
memories.
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