Sunday, November 11, 2012

BREAKING THE CYCLE OF CRIMINALITY OF THE EX CRIMINAL TRIBE OF STUARTPUAM IS IMPOSSIBLE WITHOUT FINANCIAL SECURITY

Breaking the cycle of criminality social inclusion of the ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram
The current academic endeavour is carried out on assignment from Norwegian humanist organization HAMU (Humanist Action for Human Rights) and reformatory organization Samskar in India.
HAMU has played a crucial part in supporting the criminal reformation project by Samskar in Stuartpuram village, since entering in 1995. A major part of their support goes toward the education project under study for the children from the ex-criminal settlement of Stuartpuram. The goal of the program is to get the children out of the cycle of criminality by way of education and assimilation in the mainstream. This is also supplemented with income generation programs by imparting skills such as tailoring, type-writing and auto-rickshaw lessons.
I gratefully acknowledge the help of the following:
First and foremost is the Samskar chairman Lavanam who has been the most benevolent support of my thesis. His theoretical insights into the research problem on hand were stimulating, inspiring and reassuring. My discussions with him in person were always fruitful, and my close association with him as a young student was an invaluable and rememberable experience.
I am equally thankful to my lecturer and thesis adviser Elin Gjevre. Her patient advice and expert guidance were highly valuable for me to successfully pass through the various stages of this thesis. Her comments and suggestions were of major help in bringing the thesis to its present form.
I am thankful to the members of the HAMU board, particularly Gunnar Olafsen, Kristin Bryhni and Tuva B. Dahl who expressed great interest in the research proposal, and put their efforts in arranging the initial contact with Samskar in India.
During my fieldwork a number of people extended their help. I am deeply indebted to the whole team of Samskar, and in particular the project manager of Stuartpuram who extended his wholehearted cooperation in collecting the information.  Also my grateful thanks to all the settlers with whom I have interacted in Stuartpuram whose valuable information has been utilized for the study.
This research thesis concerns the ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram settlement, and the work of reformatory organization Samskar to wean the coming generations of Stuartpuram away from crime.  The objectives of the study are to examine the degree of social exclusion of the ex-criminals, and the impacts of education on social inclusion for their offspring’s.
About one and a half century ago, habitual criminals in India were rounded up by the British and placed in separate “settlements”, living in solitude with limited civilizational impact. This was mainly responsible for their poverty, social alienation and social stigma as criminals. In 1974, Lavanam and Hemalata, the basic team of Samskar, launched the criminal reformation project in Stuartpuram, and succeeded in bringing about a great social transformation as crime by Stuartpuram settlers was eradicated.
The method of study rests on a qualitative research design based on participant observation and semi-structured interviews.
The theoretical framework is based on conceptualizations of social exclusion and social inclusion. Central in the theoretical approach is how the former denies social interaction and freedom and creates disharmony and lack of solidarity in society. The latter is seen as the diametrically opposite, promoting harmonic relations and solidarity in society, and improving life chances of individuals. 
The most important findings include the low levels of social interaction with ordinary members of society among most of the ex-criminals. Although they are accepted as non-criminals and enjoy more freedom of movement, regular interaction is nevertheless more or less absent. Second, poverty and inequality are also contributing to their exclusion, as they are bound to suffer from an inferiority complex. Third, they are largely excluded in important aspects of society, such as employment which preserve the lack solidarity and harmony in society.
            Regarding the education of their offspring’s it was found that they are largely procuring mainstream impulses. This was mainly due, firstly, to the strategic location of the school, installed outside Stuartpuram. Second, the schooling significantly increases their degree of social interaction relative to their forefathers. Third, education and the promotion of sports also contribute in weaning their wandering thoughts away from anti-social acts. Fourth, due to the influence of the mainstream their mentality and behaviour is guided by pro-social norms and values.
This study is concerned with the ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram and the criminal reformation work of reformatory organization Samskar. Approximately one and a half century ago, habitual criminals in India were rounded up by the British and placed in separate “settlements”, living in solitude and having little communication with outside world. As a result, they have had limited civilizational impact. This was mainly responsible for their poverty and social alienation (Lalitha 1995).
It is indeed interesting and itching for a student of social sciences and a humanist to learn about these “primitive tribes” and their history. Standing as a largely unexplored and unknown part of India’s history by academicians in Scandinavia, the plight of the ex-criminal tribe should proportionally cause some academic attraction as well as some sensation for any interested outsider reader.
The aims and objectives of the present study are to analyse the social conditions of the ex-criminal tribe of Stuartpuram, specifically what concerns their degree of social exclusion, and the impacts of education on social inclusion for their offspring’s. The research problem is formulated twofold since an analysis of the former will give us a broader understanding of the present condition of Stuartpuram. This is necessary to execute a proper analysis of the latter as well as to draw appropriate conclusions. Furthermore, an attempt is made to provide a socio-historical background of the ex-criminal tribes in general, since being legally branded as “criminals” in 1871, and account for the reformation of the criminals of Stuartpuram in particular.
Samskar, started by atheist leaders and social reformers Lavanam and Hemalata, took up the reformation of criminal tribes in 1974. This problem belonged not only to the most neglected but completely despised sections of the society. This study focuses its attention on the social evil, and the eradication of it by using education as a way of weaning away the coming generations of Stuartpuram from crime. 
The study is divided into six chapters: The present chapter entitled “Introduction” presents the context of the fieldwork followed by a review of literature. The second chapter, “Socio-Historical Background”, gives the socio-historic view of the criminal tribes and a view on the efforts of Samskar in reforming the criminals of Stuartpuram. In the third chapter, “Theoretical Framework”, an attempt is made to cover some theoretical work on the notions of “social exclusion” and “social inclusion”. This is followed by a chapter where the field problems faced in collecting the data and the methods used to obtain data are examined. In the next chapter we analyse the extent of exclusion of the ex-criminals, and the impact education has on socially including the coming generations. The sixth and final chapter, offer some summing concluding remarks of the research.
To attempt locating the current issues concerned in a conceptual debate the study is carried out on the basis of conceptualizations of social exclusion and social inclusion. Central in the theoretical approach is how the former denies social interaction and freedom and creates disharmony and lack of solidarity in society. The latter is seen as the diametrically opposite, promoting harmony and solidarity in society, and improving life chances of individuals. 
The method of study rests on a qualitative research design based on semi-structured interviews and participant observation. This was mainly due to the nature of the research question and because a quantitative approach would not have captured a thoroughly understanding of the problem at hand.
Stuartpuram settlement is located amidst Bapatla and Chirala towns in Guntur district in Andhra Pradesh, the fifth most populous state in India with a population of 76 millions in 2001. According to 2001 census tribal population accounted for 5, 1 millions of the total population of Andhra Pradesh (Gandhi 2006).
            Stuartpuram consists of settlers belonging to the Yerukula tribe. These Yerukulas are found in almost all districts in Andhra Pradesh. They are included in the category of Scheduled Tribes, which are Indian communities that are recognized by the Constitution of India as requiring special support to overcome centuries of discrimination by mainstream Hindu society (Lalitha 1995).  
            The Yerukulas are divided into a number of sub-divisions, some criminals and some non-criminals. Social customs, religious beliefs, omens, ordeals and standards of morality vary from one social group to another. Their social customs and religious beliefs are perfectly in tune with their criminal career. From times immemorial, the Yerukulas have been following Hinduism in its crude form. Similarly, Yerukulas also have their own way of living, customs, traditions, superstitions, rituals and ceremonies. These traditions distinguish them from the other population (Gandhi 2006, Lalitha 1995). 
Stuartpuram settlement is dominated mainly by Hindus and, due to the presence of the Salvation Army, converted Christians. Furthermore, the Yerukulas in the settlement have their own language. Language is the factor which contributes to their unity and they recognize very easily the non-Yerukulas. In the settlement the people observe their kinship relations very strictly while performing marriages. They identify a certain person by his house name, and thus they follow endogamous rules (Gandhi 2006, Lalitha 1995).
To begin with we note that social scientists have paid scant attention to the problem of criminal tribes and the studies on criminal tribes are, sadly but true, very few. However, some scholars have written some brilliant works.
In his book, the The Ex-criminal Tribes of India (1979), Y. C. Simhadri has described different kinds of tribes in general and Yerukulas in particular. He focuses on the various types of criminal activities and the changes that took place in view of social change.
V. Lalitha published a valuable book on the ex-criminals. Her The Making of the Criminal Tribes: Patterns and Transition (1995) is a comprehensive analysis of criminals in the state of Andhra Pradesh. She suggests that the existing socioeconomic, cultural and psychological barriers must be overcome, rehabilitating Yerukulas by undertaking development programmes.
Malli Gandhi in Development of denotified tribes:  policy and practice (2006) traces the historical background of the ex-criminal tribes, and explores the rehabilitative measures introduced by the government to wean them away from crime. He analyses the socio-economic conditions of two ex-criminal settlements, Stuartpuram and Siddhapuram, and suggests ways of bringing about rehabilitation.
Vakulabharanam Ramakrishna and K.H.S.S. Sundar, the latter an experienced practitioner as well, captures in Legacy and Continuity: Social Reforms in Andhra Pradesh, 1850-2000 (2007) the ungrudging work of reformer couple Lavanam and Hemalata over the last 40 years in dealing with secluded sections, in particular the ex-criminals of Stuartpuram. The book stands out from previous works on the field in that it analyses an undocumented social movement and its solutions to the social evil, which may even act as a source for other social reform movements.
Notwithstanding the meagre contribution by academicians to the field of criminal tribes, the above literature provides us a wide vista of the problem. Furthermore, it will help us in framing a socio-historic view and analyse the situation of the ex-criminals and their children.
In the first chapter the research question was stated and earlier relevant literature was reviewed. In the following chapter the socio-historical framework is laid out to serve somewhat as a baseline for conducting the analysis in chapter five.
Criminal Tribes and the Criminal Tribes Act
Indian tribal groups comprise a substantial indigenous minority of the population of India. According to Risely (1908:61) a tribe is a “collection of families or groups of families, bearing a common name which, as a rule, does not denote any specific occupation, generally claiming common descent from a mythical or historical ancestor.
            However, it is important to note that a tribe is different from a caste. A caste is a hereditary, usually localized group having traditional association with occupation (such as “Brahmins”, the priestly caste), and a particular position in the local hierarchy of castes. Tribal groups rarely have a rigid hierarchical system and are usually not linked with any specific occupation as in the case of members of caste (Simhadri 1979). 
Following Risely’s (1908) definition, we define criminal tribes as suggested by Simhadri (1979:2), viz. “such tribal groups of people in India who have traditionally committed criminal activities for their livelihood and who accept such activities as their way of life.
In the Indian subcontinent we find many criminal and wandering tribes from time immemorial, who have taken to crime due to a variety of reasons and under different circumstances. Some attributed tribal criminality to environmental factors, others to economic factors. One study concluded that their expenditure was more than their income, and hence, they were forced to commit crime to compensate their deficit. Another writer regarded the criminality as a consequence of absolute hardship and police harassment (Gandhi 2006).
In 1871, the Indian government under British rule, passed an enactment under which the tribes committing criminal activities were dubbed as criminal tribes (CTs) and whoever belonged to such tribes were recognized as criminals. By taking statistics of criminals by their caste or tribal affiliation, the British had found a correlation between crime and certain castes and tribes. Further inquest concluded that the criminals’ forefathers also indulged in crime, which led the British authorities to deduce that certain castes and tribes earned their living by crime, and that crime was hereditary. Hence, the Act came into existence, as did separated settlements for the CTs with an aim to supervise and control the criminally inclined sections of India’s population (Lalitha 1995, Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
The government proceeded to deal with the CTs on three basic assumptions. First, all persons born in a particular group are born criminals from birth because they take up their fathers’ profession. Second, they will always continue to be criminals since they believe it to be a profession, and thirdly, because of continuous criminal activities they become hardened criminals (Gandhi 2006).
After India’s independence the government found the CT Act to be contradictory to the spirit of the constitution. As a result it was repealed in 1952. However, although the legal stigma was removed the social stigma continued. Haunted by this and unable to free themselves from social bondage, a large number of criminals continued their practice of robbing and petty thefts. Ramakrishna and Sundar (2007) offer two reasons for this: first, few alternative ways of livelihood were offered to the CTs and second, an intractable and protracted “culture of crime” had developed as part of their mentality which, consequently, is difficult to erase.
            By creating separate settlements for the CTs, they were utterly isolated and segregated, both socially and culturally. Criminals interacting only with criminals, and disconnected from non-criminal associations and professions, created a criminal form of social organization. It was a criminal, anti-social ethos rather than a social ethos, which was never exposed to a mainstream, pro-social mentality. Even today the remnants of this inherited mentality exist among the ex-criminals (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
The generations born in these settlements were socialized only in the values of the culture of crime as opposed to a mainstream culture of sociability. A mother would take pride in narrating the brave deeds of her son; a wife would speak of the courage of her husband; an unmarried girl would dream of coming closer to courageous and powerful robbers. Fear and suspicion took hold of the settlers. Violence would often erupt and inter-personal relations were structured by accumulated aggressions. Crime and jail punishments would destroy family relations and cause the children to grow up in a deso­late social milieu (Marla 1992).
            In addition a third reason for continuing crime, often disregarded by the conventional literature, can be identified, viz. the role of the “investors in crime”. In the cobweb of crime, different actors such as stolen property dealers (mostly of gold, silver and other precious stones), greedy lawyers and corrupt police officials used to share the crime booty, leaving the criminal with only a starvation-wage for his anti-social efforts. As long as the criminals were committing crime, the investors were assured a return. As such, they had greedy self-interest in crime of profitable potential, and such self-indulgent acts abetted the continuation of crime (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).

Stuartpuram Settlement 
The Stuartpuram settlement was established in 1914 and put under the management of the Salvation Army of United Kingdom. It was interned by the Yerukula tribe, which is the most known notorious ex-criminal tribe of India. They are stigmatized as dacoits (robbers), burglars, thieves and railway wagon breakers (Gandhi 2006).
            What prompted them to commit crime was mainly the lack of alternative means of livelihood and poverty. Also the police harassment, sometimes meted out to innocents and even children, drove them towards committing crime. Even women indulged in crime or assisted men in criminal activities (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
            Right from its inception Stuartpuram settlement consisted of both criminal and non-criminal families, however living separately. The non-criminals were employed in government services, private industrial establishments, petty businesses and agriculture. However, opportunities for employment were limited for the Yerukulas. The stigma of crime made them suspect in the attitude of employers and public which again drove them back to crime. In addition, the steps taken by the government proved insufficient in providing them adequate succour (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007). 
            Some of the people belonging to other social categories involved in crime did not have the stigma of criminality unlike the Stuartpuram tribes. When the British government branded certain tribes and castes as criminals, it meant that those branded would be considered so by birth and profession. Perhaps the CT Act had an implicit assertion that a woman from a criminal family would necessarily conceive a criminal embryo. Stuartpuram inhabitants have been included in this category, whereas other criminals escaped the branding (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).

Criminal Reformation
In 1974, the atheist couple Lavanam and Hemalata – the basic team of the social reformist organization Samskar – embarked on the criminal reformation project in Stuartpuram. Setting aside the typical law and order police approach towards habitual criminals of Stuartpuram, the Samskar team adopted a more humane approach to rekindle social consciousness and cynicism among the habitual criminals. The intervention process aimed at helping habitual criminals lead a more meaningful life (Marla 1992).
            Lavanam and Hemalata’s contribution related mostly to the socio-psychological rehabilitation. They dug out the history of the tribes and their criminal activities. They convinced them that their plight was because of the caste system and caste-oriented practices. They were persuaded to give up the old criminal traits and to develop new traits of the culture of sociability (Gandhi 2006).  
            The reformer couple spent numerous days counselling the CT settlers of Stuartpuram. They listened to their stories, agonies and problems. They encouraged them to approach government officials, legislators, ministers and others to explain their difficulties to get them redressed (Marla 1992).
 The efforts of the Samskar team were far from straightforward. The criminals were accustomed to an easy way of life and easy money. They could get huge sums by crime so nobody could compensate their earnings. When they suddenly stopped crime they lost their livelihood. Thus, a major challenge for Lavanam and Hemalata was to show them avenues for earning through socially and culturally accepted means (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
            Demands were made by Lavanam and Hemalata to declare the Stuartpuram settlement a free and normal village. In 1976, they succeeded in persuading the state government to abolish the management. Prior to that the Salvation Army exercised total control of Stuartpuram, and was the legal owner of all land and house sites in the colony. Now, the Andhra Pradesh government took control over all lands and distributed the same in the name of local inhabitants with ownership rights. Hence, it gave the criminal families a great incentive in their lives to feel that they are the owners, which might discouraged them returning to crime (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
As the criminals had always been living in segregated settlements without outside contacts, Lavanam and Hemalata also encouraged many people from different walks of life - academicians, government officials, writers, artists and businessmen - to visit the settlement. The visitor's presence was understood as a token of social solidarity and promoted a sense of belongingness with the rest of society for the criminals (Marla 1992).
Student camps were organized, and the local youths which until then had avoided social inter­course with the ex-convicts now did physical labour with them, shoulder to shoulder. They visited every house of Stuartpuram and interacted with the family members. In this way social isolation was broken (Marla 1992).
The Samskar team succeeded in bringing about a great social transformation as the criminals of Stuartpuram surrendered and crime was more or less eradicated. As part of rehabilitation 146 acres of land was sanctioned by the government for the criminal families. In addition, various programmes have been initiated such as youth activities like sports, employment guidance and coaching classes, and a woman’s programme have been organized for vocational training.
The flagship programme, one of the focuses of the present study, is the Joshua-Gora School established in 2006. This is an English medium institution offering education to the children from Stuartpuram and from surrounding areas from first to fifth class. Out of 260 children in the school today, about 60 are from the reformed criminal families, and the rest from ordinary families. Admission into the school is far less expensive compared to nearby private schools. The initiative aims to act as a tool for social inclusion and removing social stigma (Ramakrishna & Sundar 2007).
But as Ramakrishna and Sundar (2007) remark, social inclusion is a lasting process spanning generations. According to the authors it is a three generational approach. The entry point is the last generation victims of social evil, meaning the first generation of reformed criminals, and the exit point is the third generation. The present second generation, on one hand, belongs to the first generation to breathe free air and on the other hand they are indirect victims of the first generation. For, they are born into families affected by social evil. It is only the third generation children who will finally be out of their past memories.

2 comments:

  1. i can start one orphan school for back ward sc.st student please give information how to start organization laxman raathod

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